OLOJO Akinola

Résumé : This paper highlights the outcome of a study on fatal incidents in four local government areas (LGAs) of northwestern Nigeria: Gwadabawa, Gudu, and Ilella LGAs in Sokoto State, and Sakaba LGA in Kebbi State. Data obtained from 1,083 questionnaires (out of 1,200) reveals that, since 2006, the year 2011 had the highest number of fatalities. Between 2006 and 2014, Gudu LGA recorded the highest number of fatalities and violent incidents, while Sakaba LGA had the lowest. For the period under review, the most frequent cause of fatal incidents was cattle grazing, followed by political clashes. Religion, which is often perceived as a major factor of conflict, contributed quite insignificantly to the overall level of violence in the four LGAs, with a few incidents involving the Yan Shi’a, the Tijaniyya Sufi brotherhood, and the Yan Izala movement. Finally, the study demonstrates that, just as in the urban centres of Sokoto and Kebbi, there are many fatal incidents in rural areas yet these are unreported. Some explanations for this omission are discussed in relation to poor road infrastructure.

Résumé : L’un des défis sécuritaires majeurs auxquels le Nigéria a dû faire face au cours de la dernière décennie a été l'insurrection de Boko Haram dans le nord du pays. Dans le cas particulier de l’État de Sokoto au nord-ouest, la capacité à endiguer la montée des violences perpétrées par Boko Haram s’organise autour du récit d’une synergie sociétale entre différentes communautés. Bien qu’existant en milieu contemporain, cette synergie tire son inspiration de l’héritage historique unique du Sokoto et de son djihad au XIXe siècle. Cette recherche vise à rendre possible une meilleure compréhension des liens entre les récits djihadistes, l’insurrection, les acteurs sociaux locaux, la puissance de l’histoire et l’expérience de la résilience et de la résistance contre l’une des plus célèbres insurrections africaines des dernières décennies.

Résumé : The author suggests that the effective formulation and implementation of a proactive (Nigerian) counter-terrorism strategy requires an incisive understanding of the political, socio-economic and religious/ideological drivers of public support for the group. The multi-dimensional nature of the Boko Haram crisis in northern Nigeria challenges conventional approaches used in addressing terrorist violence. The author reflects on the need for a bold mix of interventions and partnerships that combine elements of both hard and soft power. The application of these approaches by both domestic actors and external partners must necessarily draw upon an understanding of the key drivers that this paper explores.

Résumé : Une partie considérable du discours sur la crise de Boko Haram se concentre sur l'insurrection dans la région du Borno au nord-est du Nigeria. Peu d'études débattent de la résilience d'autres zones septentionales qui connaissent pourtant de fortes similitudes sur les plans socioéconomique et religieux. Cet article analyse ainsi le cas de Sokoto, un État du nord-ouest de la Fédération où la capacité à pévenir l'insurrection résulte d'une synergie entre les structures communautaires locales et l'héritage historique d'un califat issu d'un djihad du XIXe siécle, qui permet de se prémunir contre les appels à la guerre sainte de Boko Haram. Tout en se focalisant sur Sokoto, cet article prolonge aussi le débat en s'interrogeant sur certaines difficultés fondamentales qui, si elles ne sont pas bien gérées, pourraient déboucher sur d'autres insurrections.

Résumé : The predominant use of force against Boko Haram by the Nigerian government is inherently problematic, and would only work successfully if there is a simultaneous application of other approaches such as mediation. This is particularly because of the dangerous permutation of ideological, political, and economic issues involved. In light of the impasse between the Nigerian government and Boko Haram, mediation techniques can certainly offer a potentially useful opportunity in aspects where the unidirectional approach of military force has fallen short. This therefore calls for a strategically imaginative role to be played by the Goodluck Jonathan-led government in Nigeria.

Résumé : Women at the grassroots and policy-making levels of Nigerian society can advance the cause for a more robust counter-terrorism strategy. A key lesson which the Nigerian leadership needs to fully appreciate is that within any societal setting, women are powerful agents of peace processes and conflict resolution. The ways by which counter-terrorism activities include and affect women in Nigeria require serious reassessment by scholars and policy-makers alike. Women especially at the grassroots—where the majority of Boko Haram members are recruited—should not only be incorporated as participants in decision making processes, but also be included as beneficiaries of counter-terrorism laws.

Résumé : Following the recent declaration of a state of emergency in parts of northern Nigeria, the government of President Goodluck Jonathan has once again reinforced its militaristic position against the sectarian group Boko Haram. Although the government has in the past attempted to resolve the crisis through non-violent means such as mediation and an amnesty proposal, these efforts have so far been short-lived. This is because the government lacks a clear (counter-terrorism) strategy capable of prioritising the timing and judicious application of each of these non-violent options. It is therefore important to revisit these options and reflect on the prospects they hold as part of a comprehensive solution to the sectarian crisis.

Résumé : The notion that religious violence in Nigeria is always characterised by conflicts between religions (Muslims versus Christians) is too simplistic. This study shows that between June 2006 and May 2014 the frequency of violent death incidents involving Islamic groups against Islamic groups is 60; a figure higher than 57, which is the frequency of violent death incidents involving Islamic groups against Christian groups or Churches within the same period. A second major point in this paper is that violence involving religious groups is not always caused by religious issues. This explains why the frequency of violent death incidents involving Islamic groups against Christian groups or Churches due to non-religious issues is as high as 42 between June 2006 and May 2014. Thirdly, it remains inconclusive whether or not more Muslims than Christians (or vice versa) are killed because of violence in general in Nigeria. Finally, the western media frames violence in Nigeria as being mainly inter-religious while lethal incidents involving Islamic groups against Islamic groups are largely under-reported.

Résumé : This book and the chapter on Nigeria in particular, is an attempt to capture the debates on the status of terror in Africa. It is also an endeavour to make policy makers more aware of the multiple faces of insurgent or terrorist groups on the continent. Attention is drawn to the local roles of insurgent groups in terms of security, justice, social welfare and economic leverage, and the failure of the local state to deliver on these same issues.